Machiavelli perspective on globalization Essay Example For Students

Machiavelli perspective on globalization Essay Practically nothing is known of Nicolo Machiavelli before he became a minorofficial in the Florentine Government. His youth, however, was passedduring some of the most tumultuous years in the history of Florence. He wasborn the year that Lorenzo the Magnificent came to power, subverting thetraditional civil liberties of Florence while inaugurating a reign ofunrivaled luxury and of great brilliance for the arts. He was twenty-fiveat the time of Savonarolas attempt to establish a theocratic democracy,although, from the available evidence, he took no part in it. Yet throughhis family, he was closer to many of these events than many Florentinecitizens. The Machiavelli family for generations had held public office,and his father was a jurist and a minor official. Machiavelli himself,shortly after the execution of Savanarola, became Secretary of the SecondChancery, which was to make him widely known among his contemporaries as theFlorentine Secretary. By virtue of his position Machiavelli served the Ten of Liberty and Peace,who sent their own ambassadors to foreign powers, transacted business withthe cities of the Florentine domain, and controlled the militaryestablishment of Florence. During the fourteen years he held office,Machiavelli was placed in charge of the diplomatic correspondence of hisbureau, served as Florentine representative on nearly thirty foreignmissions, and attempted to organize a citizen militia to replace themercenary troops. In his diplomatic capacity, which absorbed most of his energies, he dealtwith the various principalities into which Italy was divided at the time. His more important missions, however, gave him insight into the court of theKing of France, where he met the mightiest minister in Europe, Cardinal dAmboise. On this occasion he began the observation and analysis of nationalpolitical forces, which were to find expression in his diplomatic reports. His Report on France was written after he completed three assignments forhis office in that country; the Report on Germany was prepared as a resultof a mission to the court of Emperor Maximilian. The most important mission, in view of his later development as a politicalwriter, was that to the camp of Cesare Borgia, Duke Valentino. Under theprotection of his father, Pope Alexander VI, Cesare was engaged inconsolidating the Papal States, and Machiavelli was in attendance upon himat the time of his greatest triumph. Machiavelli had served audiences withCesare and witnessed the intrigues culminating in the murder of hisdisaffected captains, which he carefully described in the Method Adopted byDuke Valentino to Murder Vitellozzo Vittli. As the Florentine Secretary,he was present a few month later in Rome when the end of Cesare came to passwith disgrace following the death of Alexander VI. During his diplomatic career Machiavelli enjoyed one outstanding success. Largely through his efforts, Florence obtained the surrender of Pisa, whichhad revolted from Florentine rule and maintained its independence for years. Although he did not achieve any other diplomatic triumphs, he was esteemedfor the excellence of his reports and is known to have had the confidence ofthe president of Florence, the Gonfalonier, Piero Soderini. But with therestoration of the Medicis to power in 1512, Machiavellis public careercame to an abrupt end. His attempts to prove his talents to the new rulerswere ineffectual. His appearance as a former gonfalonier man castsignificant doubt on his work and he was removed from office and exiled fromthe city for one year. He was imprisoned and tortured for allegedly beinginvolved in a conspiracy against the new government. His release requiredthe intervention of Giovanni de Medici himself, albeit after his ascensionto the papacy. On release from his dungeon, Machiavelli with his wife and children, retiredto a small farm not far from Florence. Dividing his time between farmingand petty dispositions, he commented that, possessing nothing but theknowledge of the State, he had no occasion to use it. His only remaininglink the official world was through his longtime friend, the FlorentineAmbassador to the Pope, to whom he wrote of public affairs and, strangely,his more romantic encounters. His letters reveal the inner dichotomy ofthis man. He wrote, at the threshold I take off my workday clothes, filledwith the dirt and mud, and don royal and curial garments. Worthily dressed,I enter in the ancient courts of the men of antiquity, where I am warmlyreceived. I feed on that which is my only food and which was meant for me. I am not ashamed to speak with them and ask them the reasons for theiractions, and they, because of their humility, answer me. Hours can pass,and I feel no weariness; my troubles forgotten, I neither fear poverty nordread death. I give myself over entirely to them. And since Dante saysthat there can be no science without retaining what has been understood, Ihave noted down the chief things in their conversations. It was throughthese discussions that the concept of The Prince took form. Largely because of the fame he had acquired as a writer, Machiavelli wasasked by the Medici rulers to give advice on the government of Florence. Heused the occasion to re-state and defend republican principles. He was alsocommissioned to produce a history of the city, and did so in his FlorentineHistory. He was finally appointed by Pope Clement VII to organize a citymilitia, such as he had defended in previous writings, but the lack ofassistance from men with whom he was assigned the task led to littleproductivity. Finally, his efforts bore no fruit when the troops of EmperorCharles V sacked Rome. Monte Python Compare Scenes To Real Life. EssayThe author touches on the subject of whether it is advantageous for aleader to be hated and despised by his subjects. He addresses with manyexamples, the fate of rulers who, upon finding their land threatened byexternal forces, seek to rely on the capabilities of the citizenry. It isin this light that the need to maintain the goodwill of the masses is mostevident. Whereby a leader establishes good and sound laws then maintainsthose laws upon the entire populous, this leader will be loved and adored byhis subjects, and may seek their aid in times of strife. But, having provided a workable background for this mans work, I seek todiscover whether the laws of the past on the rule of kingdoms still holds tothe test, or whether it has been replaced, either for good or for temporarytenure. In the early 1950s the nations of the world banded together anddeveloped a forum in which each, great or small, could voice theirparticular grievances and expect to be heard. This organization, the UnitedNations, still stands as testimony to the belief that the closest definitionof violence is the breakdown of communication. But it has morphed into thevery international enigma Machiavelli warned. Almost to a fault the beliefof Machiavelli was each ruler could and should provide the best means ofgovernance for his country. It is the advent of globalization and theuni-polar mechanisms put in place by non-accountable unions such as theWorld Bank, the European Union, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, theWorld Health Organization, and the U.N. Security Cou ncil that constantlydevalues the leeway and options of each countries populace. The SecurityCouncil smacks of the worst in Orwellian more equalism. Every country hasa seat at the table, but only some, those with the power to utterly destroyneighbors, may have a special seat. Then when other countries seek the samerecognition, India and Pakistan, the rules are changed by the status quo. The World Bank establishes objective ratings for the credit and solvencyof nation-states, but has anyone seen a global decision in the last 50 yearswithout political considerations? The people of Austria chose a leader in ademocratic, open election, followed by the threat of economic constraints bythe remainder of the EU because of the fear of radical idealism. NATOdropped bombs on a sovereign country in an effort to stop a self-definedethnic cleansing, which turns out to be a euphemism for the same migrationof people from a dangerous situation that has gone on since man began towage war. It is in this fray of differing logic and changing reasoning for armedintervention that Macheavellis teachings seem so distant from the world inwhich we live. Even in this seemingly endless string of examples andreferences, a question remains unanswered. Will the end result of thissingle super power era, with the support of its allies and followers, theeconomic stranglehold wrapping itself around the globe, and the culturaloneness of the developing young men and women lead to the emergence of asolid, almost utopian world where everyone must resort to debate andcompromise to overcome differences? So many foundations of conventionalwisdom lead us to remember that nature abhors a vacuum, and that each risingpower has met the same familiar fate. On the upswing of the national growthand development, one can always find the antithesis of the selected country. This implied struggle lays the groundwork for a national unity, a unity ofconsciousness against an enemy of the state. And where this enemy lacks,either internally or externally, groups of others form together as raindropscreating a river, to right the scales that have been human existence. Inthis context, the writings of Machiavelli dictate the pendulum will returnafter a time, and all will be as it was. However, each of the pillars ofpossible change is currently owned by either the great superpower, again weare reminded that this power operates on the premise of republican idealsnot individual leader characteristics, or a conglomerate of leadingnation-states determined to preserve their status in the internationalarena. Politically, culturally, and economically, saving only the continuedfragmentation of religious beliefs on the planet, we have witnessed theamalgamation of these pillars into the new world order. We are left toponder the significance of our ascendancy. Does the natur e of man, and thedesire for one to live his or her life by separate concepts of civilizationand the cultural identity this allows, force us to eventually tear apartthese artificial binds with one another? Or have we reached the turningpoint in our discovery that human life, regardless of the differences seenby the eye, will be the defining characteristic, and the artificiality ofnationalism and borders will fade into the history as feudalism and thepre-Copernicus understanding of the solar system? Will Machiavelli beproved timeless, or time spent?References and cited works:Words/ Pages : 2,717 / 24